By Tinashe Madondo
Women play a critical role in agricultural production especially in the rural economies of developing countries. In the developing world, agriculture accounts for about 63% of the total female employment in Sub-Sahara Africa and Asia (Fontana and Paciello, 2000). Rural women contribute largely to the attainment of national food security producing more than half of the food grown worldwide. In Sub-Sahara Africa, this figure is higher with women contributing 60% to 80% of the labour in food production both for household consumption and for sale (Kabeer, 1994). They multi task to sustain their livelihoods, working on the farms and engaging in off- farm activities, as well as continuing their critical role in terms of reproduction.
Nevertheless, instead of getting full recognition, rural women are often viewed as playing a “helping hand” role rather than as a “farmer” or “employee” in their own right. An example of such is illustrated by Article 139 of the Labour Code of Guatemala (2011), which describes women as “helpers” of the male agricultural workers, rather than as a worker entitled to receive their own income which significantly impacts upon the ability of these women to feed themselves and their families.
Women employ different strategies to compensate for the loss of labour through the migration of their husbands and young men to towns and cities in search of employment. As such, they may organize labour exchanges with other women, work longer hours, and hire additional labour. Such strategies adopted by these women help them cope with agricultural production which is the main source of nutrition. The surplus is usually sold to cater for medical bills, provision of education and purchase of farm implements.
How then does inequality manifest?
Inequality manifests when the man controls the property and money realised from the sale of surplus produce despite him having little contribution to the produce. This is mainly due to the cultural norms and values of societies which place men and women at different power levels. In patriarchal societies, women lack independent rights to land as land rights are only accorded to men, either sons or husbands. In some African countries, women are rarely allocated land in their own right, particularly in patrilineal areas, where land is allocated to men as the heads of households. Women in matrilineal societies on the other hand are allocated land in their own right, but the land is still commonly controlled by their husbands or male clan heads (Food Agriculture Organisation – FAO, 2009). Men are the ones who have full ownership of property and any valuable goods in the household belong to the head of the household. In the event of death of the household head, land or property rights are not inherited by the surviving spouse but a son who automatically assumes the role of head of household. The rules of access and inheritance tend to perpetuate inequality as they generally tend to favour men over women and women with children over those without (Mutangadura 2004).
In addition to limited access to land, women face challenges of access to inputs and credit facilities (capital/money). Collateral security which includes land or production equipment, seems to be one of the major factors constraining women’s access to agricultural inputs. According to (FAO, 2005), women’s higher illiteracy rates, lack of information about available credit programmes, lack of land titles to be offered as collateral, more limited access to formal employment, and exclusion from credit cooperatives also contribute as stumbling blocks for women’s access to credit facilities. The inequalities are also notable in the Land Reform Programme where the allocation of A1 farms was done through the issuance of user permits by the District Administrator upon recommendations from the Village Head or local councillor who were mainly biased towards men’s land rights over those of women, (Manjengwa and Mazhawidza). Thus, in the A1 model, women only obtained rights to use the land but were not given permits because the system favoured men. Under the A2 model, a cocktail of conditions perpetuated inequality as one had to demonstrate ability to fund own operations on the farm, provide proof of capacity to utilize land and hire a farm manager and be a holder of a 99-year lease (Rukini, 1992). Such a model discriminated women as only 13-22% of women benefited countrywide.
The effect of gender inequality on agricultural growth and development cannot be over emphasised, hence, the need to set up sustainable and inclusive mechanisms that empower and raise awareness amongst women. Against this backdrop, it is therefore prudent for society and institutions to embrace equality and equity tendencies for agricultural output and economic growth.


